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Mobile operators have notched some high profile successes in offering financial services to the poor. Think M-PESA in Kenya or GCash and Smart Money in the Philippines. They’ve have logged several million users for their mobile money transfer services which appear cheaper and more convenient than traditional banking products.

Will banks respond by emulating their new competitors from the mobile world? Banks have an appetite for offering multiple products to their clients, so it would be a boon to the poor if banks wanted to ramp up their offerings via new electronic channels. But the emerging picture is not always rosy.

Many banks see mobile as merely a threat, according to IFC’s Andi Dervishi, who leads investments in alternative-payments systems for the IFC. “Banks remain conservative. They don’t see this as a big opportunity. They are taking a more defensive position, rather than offensive, and not really going after the customer. Their business model needs to be changed.” Countries like India, China, Brazil and Russia now have more mobile phones than ATMs, giving rise to the notion that mobile will support the next wave of innovation in banking in emerging markets where low-revenue customers means banks need to find low-cost channels. But instead of jumping to explore, most banks are playing defense.

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This is an excerpt from a recent CGAP paper, The Early Experience with Branchless Banking. The paper synthesizes the observations and research of the CGAP Technology Program. Gautam Ivatury and Ignacio Mas wrote the paper, with substantial input from the entire program team. This blog series will cover seven observations, four uncertainties and four predictions for branchless banking - what we call mobile banking and other technology-enabled banking solutions.

Know your customer (KYC) requirements on financial institutions have received increasing attention by governments in their anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) initiatives. AML/CFT regulations introduce specific obligations on account opening, including, at the very least, checking the customer’s identity. This poses a particular challenge to branchless banking for two reasons. First, the absence of branches means that banks need to find alternative ways of conducting face-to-face interviews or identity checks, where those are required. Regulations may allow banks to “outsource” this function to a third party (perhaps the cash-in/cash-out agents) , but it remains the bank’s responsibility to ensure KYC procedures are performed adequately. In the Philippines, the growth of rural agent networks has been limited because all agents need to take a Central Bank-supervised training course in Manila before they are allowed to operate. Many agents find this required training to be too costly and disruptive. Second, to the extent that branchless banking targets poorer and more remote customers, it may be more difficult for these customers to show proof of identity at all.

On the other hand, AML/CFT risks associated with branchless banking initiatives can be mitigated by capping account sizes, account functionality, and transaction volumes. As governments’ interest in access to finance grows, they are becoming increasingly pragmatic about KYC requirements, allowing for simplified procedures where risk is limited. In South Africa, the Reserve Bank permits remote account opening for certain types of accounts; this has allowed WIZZIT to undertake KYC procedures through a network of roving “WIZZkids”—often previously unemployed youths.

For branchless banking to develop, governments need to continue to work with providers to find flexible solutions that meet policy and business requirements. It is unlikely that there will be a one-size-fits-all solution. Instead, governments will need to be responsive to proposals coming from providers and to evaluate these proposals based on the risks involved.

This is an excerpt from a recent CGAP paper, The Early Experience with Branchless Banking. The paper synthesizes the observations and research of the CGAP Technology Program. Gautam Ivatury and Ignacio Mas wrote the paper, with substantial input from the entire program team. This blog series will cover seven observations, four uncertainties and four predictions for branchless banking - what we call mobile banking and other technology-enabled banking solutions.
MFI loan officers who visit customers periodically, as well as tellers and representatives at bank branches, are likely to provide greater personal service than branchless banking at an agent or through a mobile phone. The informal financial service providers that many poor people use are also largely founded on human interaction and personal or community relationships.

In a survey CGAP conducted in South Africa, roughly half of those surveyed said they preferred to deal face-to-face with a person rather than with an electronic device, even if the device is quicker. Interestingly, the responses were similar between WIZZIT customers and people who have a mobile phone but do not use it to conduct transactions.

Despite being satisfied with the mobile banking service, users still missed the human touch. Customer research conducted in South Africa pointed at a likely reason for this: having to deal with machine interfaces undermines people’s sense of control over the process. Indeed, a larger proportion of WIZZIT customers than nonmobile-enabled bank customers felt that they had insufficient control over their finances. Similarly, in one anecdote from South Africa, customers using ATMs for the first time checked their balances so frequently that they lost their entire balances to ATM fees.

The same research in South Africa also highlights the need to improve customer awareness of branchless banking and to educate customers about how it works and what it costs. Not understanding the technology is the single most frequent reason given for WIZZIT customers who have stopped using the service. Nonusers thought the cost of the service was on average 14 times more expensive than it really is.

These results demonstrate the importance of marketing and of balancing technology with human interfaces, both to improve awareness and understanding, as well as to improve perceptions of the service. Achieving this through a branchless model will be a challenge.

This is an excerpt from a recent CGAP paper, The Early Experience with Branchless Banking. The paper synthesizes the observations and research of the CGAP Technology Program. Gautam Ivatury and Ignacio Mas wrote the paper, with substantial input from the entire program team. This blog series will cover seven observations, four uncertainties and four predictions for branchless banking - what we call mobile banking and other technology-enabled banking solutions.

Having examined several branchless banking ventures around the world, it appears that less than 10 percent of all branchless banking customers are poor, and new to banking, and are using these channels for financial services (or activities other than paying bills, purchasing air time, or withdrawing government cash benefits). In its study in Pernambuco (a particularly poor state in Brazil), CGAP found that only about 5 percent used a banking agent at least once a month for anything more than paying bills or receiving government payments, were previously unbanked, and were considered poor by Brazil’s standards. Similarly, of about one million mobile banking customers in South Africa, CGAP estimates that fewer than 100,000 fall below South Africa’s poverty line, did not have a bank account earlier, and now use mobile banking for more than payments or transfers. And in Colombia, typical cash transactions through agents are in the range of US$100–200, which suggests that they are not being used by the poorest.

While disappointing to organizations that aim to expand access to finance, this is a fairly natural outcome in the early stages of development of a market following a major innovation. Providers experimenting with a new technology or business model typically seek to reduce risk by focusing on known markets (avoiding the “double gamble” of new business model and new customer segments), and within those on likely “early adopter” subsegments (i.e., those more naturally predisposed to try the new offering).

Indeed, a provider that focuses branchless banking on customer segments it already understands and knows how to market to will find it easier to try out services, assess customer and service profitability, and tailor propositions and market communications messages. For instance, in the Philippines, SMART and Globe Telecom originally advertised their mobile banking services mainly to up-market consumers. SMART combined its mobile prepaid account with a Maestro debit card that can be used at any store that accepts a traditional debitor credit card. SMART’s customer base at year-end 2006 mainly included segments it knew well: four million subscribers had signed up for SmartMoney, and of the 900,000 active users, nearly all were businesses distributing SMART’s prepaid air time.12

Globe Telecom’s GXI Inc., which offers the G-Cash mobile wallet service, estimates that nearly all of its 500,000 active users are individual subscribers in urban areas.13 In fact, the company moved beyond the pilot phase of registering outlets to accept or dispense G-Cash in rural are as late as early 2007. To date, just over 100 agents are registered in rural provinces, compared to the 3,000 air time resellers that Globe Telecom has signed up nationwide directly and the 700,000 airtime resellers hat buy and resell Globe air time.

Most customers are also just dipping their toes in the water. In 2006, CGAP conducted a survey of 515 people in areas served by WIZZIT. Even within the more directly enabled markets—among people who have both a mobile phone and a bank account—the study found, not surprisingly, that those who took up WIZZIT’s mobile banking service on average had a higher income and higher education levels and were more often formally employed, urban, and older. Early adopters were, in general, customers with more sophisticated banking requirements.

That poor people are not usually early adopters of technology can be explained by personal experience (they are likely to have had less exposure to technology and have less access to information about new offerings) as well as the fact that they are less attractive to providers.

This makes the job of governments and donors who are targeting poor people with financial services much harder. Government programs in India, Russia, Malawi, South Africa, and Brazil distribute social protection payments to customers through branchless banking channels. These have been found successful at opening bank accounts for millions of poor customers in some cases (notably Brazil), but have not led to regular use of those accounts to spread expenditure over time—balances tend to be withdrawn in full as soon as payments are received. More research is needed on how poor and excluded clients view their relationship with banking agents and their willingness to trust providers.

This is an excerpt from a recent CGAP paper, The Early Experience with Branchless Banking. The paper synthesizes the observations and research of the CGAP Technology Program. Gautam Ivatury and Ignacio Mas wrote the paper, with substantial input from the entire program team. This blog series will cover seven observations, four uncertainties and four predictions for branchless banking - what we call mobile banking and other technology-enabled banking solutions.

Customers primarily make payments and send transfers through branchless banking channels, even when most branchless banking channels offer a broader range of services, including account opening, cash deposits, and cash withdrawals. Most customers either time their deposits to coincide with bill payments or cash withdrawals, leaving a near-zero balance in their accounts, or they do not open a savings account at all. Consider the following experiences:

• In Brazil, bill payments and the payments of government benefits to individuals comprised 78 percent of the 1.53 billion transactions conducted at the country’s more than 95,000 agents in 2006. CGAP research in Brazil found that, of the 750 people who responded to a survey in Pernambuco State, 90 percent reported using banking agents to pay utility and other bills, only 5 percent reported opening a bank account at the agent, and less than 5 percent said they had made a cash deposit in to their bank account at an agent.7 Indeed, 87 percent of those who had opened an account stated that they had done so just to receive welfare or salary payments.

• In Russia, more than 100,000 automated payment terminals have sprung up in the larger cities in recent years. One provider, CyberPlat, claims to have processed 1.2 billion transactions worth US$4.7 billion through the first three quarters of 2007 via its 70,000 “cash acceptance” points, mostly for prepaid air time, television, Internet, and other utilities.

• The average mobile banking customer of WIZZIT (a mobile phone banking provider in South Africa) bought air time with WIZZIT twice as often (2.6 times) as they withdrew funds from a branch or ATM (1.3 times), and five times as often as they made a money transfer (0.5 times).

Customers use payments and transfers rather than banking services in part because providers focus their marketing efforts on payments and transfers. M-Pesa advertises its service as “an affordable, fast, convenient, and safe way to transfer money by SMS any where in Kenya,” and WIZZIT’s slogan is “the easy way to pay.” Mobile operators, in particular, prefer marketing payments services rather than the ability to store value because payments services are a closer fit with their traditional revenue model (e.g., per minute or per SMS). Some mobile operators argue that if they did advertise the ability of their mobile banking services to take deposits, they would run afoul of the approvals they’ve received from banking regulators.

The predominance of payments services over savings also likely reflects the perceived relative value that each service brings to the economic lives of the poor. Using banking agents and electronic payments to pay utility bills takes less time than traveling to and queuing in a range of utility offices, thereby bringing very tangible benefits. Similarly, collecting a pension, remittance receipt, and welfare or salary payment is a strong driver for opening accounts.

On the other hand, the value proposition of saving money, particularly in electronic form, appears to be less strong. The former head of Banco Postal in Brazil reported that, in rural areas in particular, his team spent considerable effort trying to explain to customers why they should have a bank account at all.10 It seems that although branchless banking has brought formal banking services physically closer to many unbanked people, it hasn’t changed their perceptions of the value proposition of saving in formal financial institutions. When they receive a payment or a remittance, an overwhelming majority of people go to the agent to withdraw the full amount received.

We believe that, over time, as customers increase their use of branchless channels to make a broader range of payments, they will start to find more value in maintaining transactional or savings balances in their account. In the meantime, more research must be done to distinguish how customers feel about savings in general, about the benefits of saving in banks, and about the branch and branchless channels available to them.

The success of agents in Brazil—achieving 100 percent coverage of municipalities—hinged in no small degree on the fact that utility bill paying is considered a banking service and cannot be done at nonbank outlets. This created a natural captive market of transactions for new correspondents opening up in towns without prior bank presence, where previously residents had no choice but to travel to nearby towns to pay their utility bills. In other countries, such as Colombia, local stores may have collection contracts with utilities, and it has proven much harder for correspondents to seize the utility payments business upon entering the market.

Olga Morawczynski is a doctoral candidate at the University of Edinburgh. She has spent over 9 months investigating customer adoption and usage in both urban and rural Kenya. Below are some of her observations from the field.

It is early morning in Bukura, a small village in Western Kenya. The shop-keeper and his wife are preparing to open their small store, which sells household commodities such as flour and cooking oil. They also offer M-PESA services. There is already a queue outside. A group of about twenty villagers are crowding the entrance. “It is always like this,” the shop-keeper complains while pointing to the crowd. “Since we have become M-PESA agents we have no time to rest. This thing has even over-run our other business”. He then holds up a packet of sugar. “We have not sold any sugar in months. They only want M-PESA”. Not just the Bukura agent has seen a great demand for M-PESA services. Since its introduction in March of 2007, the M-PESA application has had great success all over Kenya. There are currently over 2.3 million registered users. Over 18 Billion Ksh had been moved through the system, via person-to-person transfers.

Some of the work that I have been doing makes several arguments as to why M-PESA has become so popular. Firstly, it is the young, male, urban migrants who are driving the uptake of services – customer adoption. These migrants are what innovation researchers call ‘early adopters’ of a technology. They are usually better educated and earn higher incomes than those in the village. Because these migrants are the senders, they can choose the channel for money transfer. They then influence recipients in the rural area—who are usually female, less educated and poorer—to also use M-PESA. This segment is referred to as the ‘technology laggards’. They are usually the last, and often the least likely, to adopt an innovation.

This research also notes some barriers to adoption. Both agents and customers complain of cash float problems, especially in the rural areas. Because the majority of transactions in the village are withdrawals, agents must maintain their cash float. They do this by making frequent trips to the bank. This can be problematic if the agent is not close to an urban centre, where most banks in Kenya are located. An agent in Malaha, a small village in Western Kenya, commented, “almost every day I ride my bicycle to Kakamega to top-up my float. This takes me almost three hours. I have to leave at 6am because I want to be there when the bank opens. I must then come back again and serve my customers”. When asked if there was any other means of transport to Kakamega, the agent shook his head. He said that he was several kilometres away from the main road. He also said that he could not afford to pay the 200 ksh fee for the matatu (shared taxi).

Despite these cash float problems, the majority of customers in both the urban and rural areas assert that they prefer M-PESA over other money transfer services. This means that M-PESA must be offering them some kind of substantial benefit. In Bukura, this benefit comes in the form of savings on transport. Customers do not need to travel into Kakamega, the nearest town, to access the service. One elderly farmer commented that “I can just walk from my shamba (farm) and get money. I don’t have to spend and go into town. If the agent does not have cash today, then I will come back tomorrow. It is cheaper to wait”. Finding strategies to manage the cash float problem will undoubtedly be one of the greatest challenges for Safaricom. For now, however, it seems like customers are willing to accept the inefficiencies of the service. It is, after all, cheaper to wait.

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CGAP and its regional program CAPAF are pleased to announce that the third Technology Forum will be held in Yaoundé, Cameroon on July 1 and 2, 2008.

The Forum will bring together financial service providers and technical solutions providers for technical workshops on using new technology to increase access to financial services. In addition to the forum, the event offers an opportunity for vendors to participate in a commercial tradeshow of products and services. This year’s themes include MIS, the link between social protection and technology, and mobile banking.

The Technology Forum is free of charge and open to all those who are interested in attending. We strongly recommend that you pre-register by sending in the registration form available on http://www.capaf.org/pages/forumtechnologie_2008/Inscription.html and following the instructions.

You can also send an email to capaf@orange.sn to request the form.

Please note that the working language of the Forum is French but simultaneous interpretation in English and French will be available for the technical workshops.

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Jamii Bora is a rapidly growing Kenyan MFI which is using 200 handheld terminals with their 185,000 members, via 72 branches and 142 outlets in 13 locations across the country. JB staff are adamant that going electronic has allowed their back office to keep up with the rapidly growing numbers of clients coming through the front door. The Sagem-branded POS terminals are equipped with a magnetic stripe reader for debit cards, an alphanumeric keypad, display screen, and thumbprint reader. They connect to the MFI’s core banking system via GPRS over the local mobile networks. Jamii Bora has re-engineered its processes so that nearly all transactions are completed via the POS, the client’s debit card, and their thumbprint as identification.
Clients have more confidence in printed rather than handwritten receipts. This is particularly important for Jamii Bora’s clients, who organize in 5-person groups and usually send 1 member with all of their repayments and deposits. The POS application has been customized to print out itemized receipts which group members can use to verify transactions were correctly completed. The migration to electronic has also radically sped up data processing. Clients can see their money in the account the next day, which is valuable as Jamii Bora ties loan size to the amount of savings on deposit. And the MFI can also see the end of day cash position for its 72 branches, a simple but critical piece of data for management.

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Stefan Staschen works with CGAP’s technology and policy teams.  

Kenya’s banking law and regulations look all too familiar: if an institution accepts deposits and uses this money for lending or investment, it needs to have a bank licence. And banks can only transact through their head office or branches. Full stop. But the Central Bank of Kenya has realized that operating through full-fledged branches, which are subject to detailed regulatory requirements, is a very expensive proposition. If the huge gap of banking services in remote and rural areas is ever to be closed, alternative delivery models will be required. Branchless banking models such as mobile phone banking (pioneered in Kenya by M-Pesa, which is run by a mobile network operator and not a bank) and the use of retail agents will be low-cost alternatives allowing for increased rural penetration. The Central Bank Governor, Prof Njuguna Ndung’u, has now pledged to institute necessary regulatory changes allowing banks to offer financial services outside bank branches.